A history of the challenges among african americans native americans and working class urban residen

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A history of the challenges among african americans native americans and working class urban residen

African Americans - Social Work - Oxford Bibliographies

PinIt Instapaper Pocket Email Print Our nation, at its best, pursues the ideal that what we look like and where we come from should not determine the benefits, burdens, or responsibilities that we bear in our society.

Because we believe that all people are created equal in terms of rights, dignity, and the potential to achieve great things, we see inequality based on race, gender, and other social characteristics as not only unfortunate but unjust. The value of equality, democratic voice, physical and economic security, social mobility, a shared sense of responsibility for one another, and a chance to start over after misfortune or missteps -- what many Americans call redemption -- are the moral pillars of the American ideal of opportunity.

Many Americans of goodwill who want to reduce poverty believe that race is no longer relevant to understanding the problem, or to fashioning solutions for it. This view often reflects compassion as well as pragmatism. But we cannot solve the problem of poverty -- or, indeed, be the country that we aspire to be -- unless we honestly unravel the complex and continuing connection between poverty and race.

Since our country's inception, race-based barriers have hindered the fulfillment of our shared values and many of these barriers persist today. Experience shows, moreover, that reductions in poverty do not reliably reduce racial inequality, nor do they inevitably reach low-income people of color.

Rising economic tides do not reliably lift all boats. Inafter a decade of remarkable economic prosperity, the poverty rate among African Americans and Latinos taken together was still 2. This disparity was stunning, yet it was the smallest difference in poverty rates between whites and others in more than three decades.

And from toas the economy slowed, poverty rates for most communities of color increased more dramatically than they did for whites, widening the racial poverty gap. From towhile the overall number of poor Americans declined by almost 1 million, to 37 million, poverty rates for most communities of color actually increased.

Reductions in poverty do not inevitably close racial poverty gaps, nor do they reach all ethnic communities equally. Poor people of color are also increasingly more likely than whites to find themselves living in high-poverty neighborhoods with limited resources and limited options. Low-income Latino families were three times as likely as low-income white families to live in these neighborhoods inbut 5.

Low-income blacks were 3.

A history of the challenges among african americans native americans and working class urban residen

These numbers are troubling not because living among poor people is somehow harmful in itself, but because concentrated high-poverty communities are far more likely to be cut off from quality schools, housing, health care, affordable consumer credit, and other pathways out of poverty.

And African Americans and Latinos are increasingly more likely than whites to live in those communities. Today, low-income blacks are more than three times as likely as poor whites to be in "deep poverty" -- meaning below half the poverty line -- while poor Latinos are more than twice as likely.

The Persistence of Discrimination Modern and historical forces combine to keep many communities of color disconnected from networks of economic opportunity and upward mobility. Among those forces is persistent racial discrimination that, while subtler than in past decades, continues to deny opportunity to millions of Americans.

Decent employment and housing are milestones on the road out of poverty. Yet these are areas in which racial discrimination stubbornly persists. While the open hostility and "Whites Only" signs of the Jim Crow era have largely disappeared, research shows that identically qualified candidates for jobs and housing enjoy significantly different opportunities depending on their race.

In recent studies in Milwaukee and New York City, meanwhile, live "tester pairs" with comparable qualifications but of differing races tested not only the effect of race on job prospects but also the impact of an apparent criminal record.

In Milwaukee, whites reporting a criminal record were more likely to receive a callback from employers than were blacks without a criminal record. In New York, Latinos and African Americans without criminal records received fewer callbacks than did similarly situated whites, and at rates comparable to whites with a criminal record.

Similar patterns hamper the access of people of color to quality housing near good schools and jobs.

A history of the challenges among african americans native americans and working class urban residen

Research by the U. Department of Housing and Urban Development HUD shows that people of color receive less information from real-estate agents, are shown fewer units, and are frequently steered away from predominantly white neighborhoods.

In addition to identifying barriers facing African Americans and Latinos, this research found significant levels of discrimination against Asian Americans, and that Native American renters may face the highest discrimination rates up to 29 percent of all.Ongoing Health Challenges Facing Working-Class Men and Women: Commonalities Across Race, Prior research amply documents the increased risk of poor health among African-Americans, American Indians and Alaska Natives, and groups of Latinos, Asian Americans, and Native among residents of rural than urban areas— African-American men working full-time earn only 72 percent of the average earnings of comparable Caucasian men and 85 percent of the earnings of Caucasian women (Rodgers, ).

Education Despite dramatic changes, large gaps remain when minority education attainment and outcomes are compared to white Americans. One difference in the situations between Mexican Americans and African Americans in the 19th century was that Answers: a.

Mexican Americans were more acculturated b. African Americans were exploited for their land, Mexican Americans for their labor c. Mexican Americans were exploited only for their land d. But the epidemic has also been seeping into communities of color, where heroin overdose death rates have more than doubled among African Americans, Latinos and Native Americans, but gone largely.

While the vast majority of whites are centrally middle-class, the majority of African Americans are considered working-class.

[ citation needed ] In terms of income, the narrowest view of a household with a middle-class income is considered $39, to $62,, while a .

African slaves brought to the United States and their descendants have had a history of cultural exchange and intermarriage with Native Americans, as well as with other enslaved people who possessed Native American and European ancestry.

African-American men working full-time earn only 72 percent of the average earnings of comparable Caucasian men and 85 percent of the earnings of Caucasian women (Rodgers, ). Education Despite dramatic changes, large gaps remain when minority education attainment and outcomes are compared to white Americans. Minorities in the United States have higher stroke risks, stroke occurrence at an earlier age, and for some groups, more severe strokes than non-Hispanic whites. Factors contributing to this disparity are explored. Characteristics of African American, Hispanic, and Native American stroke risk and. Una aproximación a las definiciones, tipologías y marcos teóricos de la migración de retorno (Resumen) La migración de retorno es considerada como un caso especial de la migración, no obstante su estudio no es un tema sencillo, dependiendo del momento histórico y lugar de ocurrencia tiene especificidades que es necesario conocer pero también características recurrentes.
Inequality, Race, and Remedy